Adulthood and aging

In this paper, adulthood and senescence are shown from variant sides first, the major values for the patriarchal such(prenominal)(prenominal) as relationships, spiritism and quality of lifespan are discussed second, the cultural views towards aging in the United States and Asia are given.The cultural differences in views towards elderly in Asia are shown on example of Japan, as one of the most developed and cultivate countries of Asia. The importance of the subject is emphasized by the everywhereview of recent studies on various aspects of aging published in psychological journals. The progressd population has been long in focus of antithetic interrogationes psychological, cordial, economic et cetera.The fact that aging population has been steadily increasing is widely recognized and proved by statistic researches. Hence, the interest towards aging and its problems.Aging takes different shapes in different countries. Therefore, legion(predicate) a(prenominal) studies are particularly interested in aging in different regions of the innovation. Cross-cultural aspects of aging present interest for multinational societies, such as Ameri bay window society. This paper discusses many of these issues. Adulthood and AgingLater life is viewed as occurring from nigh era 70 to 75 years and upwards foster distinctions are sometimes made between the young old and the old-old i.e., adults in the historic period period of almost 7084 and adults aged about 85 years and over. Chronological age is an distinguished cordial and personal marker of identity, behavior, expectations, get a lines, and preferences.Adults in their seventies, for example, often score small-scaleer than their jr. counterparts on measures of negative profess including worry and anxiety (Gems, 2003) sure-enough(a) adults can also score much highly than younger adults on measures of agreeableness and consciousness (Thane, 2003).Similarly, adults in mid- and posterior life are much likely to be reproductive than their younger counterparts in fact although younger sight can be altruistic they can non be procreative as it is exclusively with experience and time that this vital role of teaching, guiding and supporting others can occur.Older adults are not necessarily a eccentric concourse of adults qualitatively different from other age groups this is because many of the issues often associated with afterward life are issues pertinent at any age byout the life-course, for example, the penury to maintain a balance between autonomy and dependence, and the need for secure, warm and accepting relationships with others.Furtherto a greater extent, although old age is noted as a time for increasing losses and constraints on development, losses and challenges occur finishedout the life-course and not just in later life. (Thane, 2003)As complaisant beings, most adults need to be in closure relationships with other people, for enjoyment, for take to being and purpose in life, and also as a means of learning more about ourselves and the world within which we live. Warm and close relationships with other people abide also been depict as being a healthy necessity from the cradle to the grave (Blundo R. & Deborah E. Bowen, 2005).Relationships, are very important for our health and well-being particularly reciprocal relationships, which also serve a protective function such as relationships with a spouse or equivalent figure. In addition, it is often within close relationships that we digest and receive support, particularly at times when the risk of threat to the actual or representational self-importance is higher, for example when taking on new projects or goals.Relationships with close others can also be a significant source of pleasure, enjoyment, and meaning for adults.Most sure-enough(a) adults need and enjoy relationships with younger generations so too do communities need relationships with of age(p) adults. This point is m ade strongly by Jackson J. (2002) who draws on ethnographic, cross-cultural, and anthropological culture to argue that as a consequence of maturation and experience older adults move over their own unique strengths and talents that can and should be used in the social context, and particularly in helping, supporting, and teaching the next generation.Jackson takes this perspective, particularly in light of the parental emergency (p. 825), in other words, the difficulties and problems involved in raising emotionally healthy children without the support of the extended family and friends.In later life, however, relationships with other people can be lost, constrained or the quality of relationships impaired. In later life, for example, adult children may divorce and separate so that older people may lose generative links with younger family members. Similarly, into the latter half of the life cycle adults are more likely to experience the loss of parents, spouses, and/or the loss of other close attachment relationships with bereavements.Also, personal work roles that the individual had and enjoyed may no longer be salient or germane(predicate) such as when children are grown up and leave home. Furthermore, given compulsory retirement, the friends and acquaintances that one had through and through the work role may make to be surrendered.Although adults can experience significant losses and constraints in their relationships with others, these can be a consequence of the interactions and expectations of others, rather than being intrinsic to the aging process. Society may not al slipway be supportive of the needs of its older members.For example, society can impose constraints on relationships into later life in terms of expectations for relinquishing the work role or even about the aptness of certain sexual relationships.This is particularly the case given the potential for ageism within which older adults can be disadvantaged with subsequent loss of heal th or even loss of life itself, for example, when older adults are denied health treatment or counseling because of the negative views health professionals can have of older people.Evidence examining the ways in which older adults are viewed by society is mixed. Some researchers have gear up that many older people are viewed in very negative ways (Steuerle, 2001).In contrast, other researchers have found that the results of studies on attitudes to older adults are rund by the specific attributes being assessed. Dooley E. (2003) for example asked a group of undergraduates (aged 1724) to rate their attitudes towards young, mid-life, and older adults across cognitive (intellectual abilities or information processing), personal-expressive (personality or interpersonal attributes), and tangible attributes relating to forcible health, behavior, or movement.Results indicated that attitudes towards the physical attributes of older adults were more negative by relation with young and mi d-life adults. In contrast, no significant difference was found for personal-expressive attributes, but there was a main effect for age on cognitive attributes.A post hoc test indicated that the attitudes of participants towards midlife adults were significantly more positive than were those for younger adults (mean 0.48) or for older adults (mean .027). Although these insights are useful, this study was carried out using undergraduate students as participants, thus making generalisability difficult. Researchers in this depicted object should attempt to replicate the above study with other participant groups.Some social losses and threats that assume crises in mid- and later life (e.g., empty nest syndrome) have little empirical evidence to support them (Feldstein B. & Jeffrey B. Liebman, 2003). A severalise view is that there are challenges associated with each age period around which adults must adapt. This contrasting view does not remove the reality of social stressors, but in stead, recognizes that these occur throughout the life course, and not just old age.Studies have shown that the quality of social networks of older people have many similarities to those of younger age groups, but that the number of contacts within the networks are fewer for the old. Socioemotional selectivity theory (Feldstein B. & Jeffrey B. Liebman, 2003) attempts to describe the functional moderates in social contact throughout adulthood.This theory describes the practical aspects of social interactions to include information acquisition, identity maintenance, and emotion regulation. The essential premise of the theory is that the relative important of those goals changes as a function of perceived time, and that these goals influence and explain declines in social contact across adulthood.When time is perceived as being generally open-ended, future-orientated goals such an information acquisition are of paramount importance. However, when time is perceived as being limited, p resent-orientated goals such as emotional goals, are rated as being most important. Consequently, adults into later years are seen as actively preferring certain types of social contact (e.g., emotionally satisfying contact) over others such as information gathering.There are substantial differences in adults preferences for social activities and social contacts, however, and some of these differences can be explained by gender, ethnicity, and physical health. It is well known that women typically have more social contact than do men, especially more intimate friends or confidants.Confidants are typically women, in part given the difference in mean ages between the sexes. Age differences between the sexes in western countries is around five years, but in some countries the difference is larger, such as Finland, where the difference is eight years.This means that older women often live alone, whereas older men are married. It also means that women are more likely to be caregivers by comparison with their male counterparts. Health is another significant factor explaining reductions in social activity in later years.The patterns of not initiating new contacts with non-familial persons is clearly visible in nursing homes and other institutions. There can be a significant risk involved in contact seeking in old age conversations can become difficult for example if others have sensory difficulties, particularly hearing loss.To summarize, relationships in later years can be an intense source of some(prenominal) pleasure and distress. Relationships with others can be a significant source of enjoyment and meaning in life. Relationships with others are also crucial not only for the well-being of individuals but also of whole communities given that society is often dependent on the experience and expertise that older adults develop over many decades of life.However, in later life as throughout life, the relationships and social roles that adults have with others can be compromised, constrained, or even lost. These losses can arise through bereavement or because society does not always provide its older members with adequate support and resources.Understanding the ways adults evaluate and regulate changes in relationships is likely to be crucial if health professionals are to help drive on better health and well-being for more people for longer into the latter part of the life cycle.Future research in this area should be carried out to refine and clarify the nature of relationships across adulthood, and the impact that social motives and other factors might play in influencing the quality and nature of relationships. Future research is also required to explore and examine the positive qualities within close family relationships, particularly between parents and their adult children, and siblings who have divided up experiences over many decades of life.Japan is much more densely populated than the United States but not much more so than Great Bri tain. Japan is clearly one of the most industrialized nations in the world with a higher proportion of its gross national product from manufacturing than the United States, Great Britain, or Denmark.Its chalk up gross national product is second only to the United States its per capita income, however, is lower than the three comparison countries. It has a higher rate of natural increase and a lower percentage aged 65 and over than the comparison countries, but recent decreases in birth and death rates are expected to quickly increase the percentage aged 65 and over. (Bernier, 2003)The Japanese are relatively homogeneous racially and ethnically which may facilitate the integration of the aged. Some social-psychological traits relevant to this analysis are strong national pride, business sector with politeness and deference toward superiors, a dominant aesthetic sense, and a more casual attitude toward time.Transportation is little of a problem for the aged in Japan because of the many neighborhood shops and the elaborate organisation of earth transportation.The tradition of respect for the aged has strong grow both in the vertical social dodge and in the unconditional duty of filial piety, which derives from the fundamental Japanese religion, ancestor worship.Thus, the ecology and economic system of Japan are similar to that of western industrialized nations, but her social system and culture have distinctive elements that have helped maintain the relatively high view and integration of older Japanese.The health locating of Japanese elders has been improving with better nutrition, sanitation, and medical care so that they are now about as healthy as the aged in other modern countries.The Japanese elders are much more integrated in their families as shown by their living arrangements and functions in the household. Furthermore, there has been little decline in proportions living with their children so that over two-thirds will probably delay to live wi th their children during the foreseeable future.The employment status of the elders is much higher than in other industrialized countries over half the older men continue to be employed. Most of those who stop work, do so for voluntary and health reasons rather than being hale to stop by compulsory retirement or other discrimination against the aged.The trends indicate little decline in employment status. Those who are not employed do tend to have relatively low independent incomes, but pensions and retirement benefits are rapidly improving, and the system of family support usually assures at least(prenominal) the minimum necessities of life. (Katsumata, 2001)The main explanation for their relatively high status and integration is the tradition of respect for elders that has its roots in the vertical society and in religious doctrines of filial piety.Respect and affection for the elders are shown on a daily basis by honorific language bowing priority for the elders in seating, ser ving, bathing, and going through doors. It is also reflected in popular sayings, special celebrations of the sixty-first birthday, the national observance of Respect for Elders Day, and the National Law for wel colde of the Aged.We therefore conclude that the theory of marked decline in the status of the aged as a necessary result of industrialization is false. On the contrary, Japan shows that a tradition of respect for the aged can maintain their relatively high status and integration despite industrialization.In Western countries, including the USA, the attitude towards elderly is far less respectful and the connection with younger generations is often lost. However, high income, pensions and a highly developed social care system help American elderly to live their later life with comfort. Japanese elderly often depend on their younger generation in economic terms. The conclusion we make is that both financial matters and social relationship factors are important for aging peopl e.